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Youth's Usage
of the Rooftop
What is in this Section
Introduction
“Occupying public spaces is their means of making a presence in the consumer world” (Jayne et al., 2006, as cited in Wilson, Rose, & Colvin, 2010, p.15).
Once again, public spaces are very important for young people to conduct social activity without close parental or adult control (Malone, 2002). As young people especially do not possess adequate financial resources to participate in consumerism, they are marginalized to these public spaces and likely to occupy them (Wilson, Rose, & Colvin, 2010). This is observable on the rooftop of Miyashita. Youth occupy that space, and display as if it’s their own, excluding other social groups. Their usage of the built environment of the roof is one important factor for them to portray “this is our specific space.” By exploring how youth use the built environment of the roof, this section firstly covers what built environment of the roof particularly attracts youth to be at this place, and then talks about how their usage allows them to portray “the rooftop is our specific space.”
(Youth on the Park Center Lawn)
What Attracts Youth
to the Rooftop?
First and foremost, what attracts young people to the rooftop?
Based on the previous main introduction and sub-sections, non-consumerism driven space and the establishment of soft surveillance power on the rooftop are likely to be some essential factors to particularly attract/welcome youth and enable them to freely commit social activity. Besides those, the way youth use/experience the built environment of the rooftop reveals other potential youth welcoming factors.
(1) Seating Opportunities for Sociality
As explained in the previous main introduction and sub-section (Built Environment of the Rooftop), prioritized social activity over consumerism on the rooftop appears to be one important element that attracts youth. This idea can be further highlighted by young people’s preference for spots on the rooftop.
In short, all of the sports facilities (skate park, bouldering wall, & sand court) are not very much used by young people because they are chargeable. Instead, the most popular spot for them is the North side block where lawns and benches are gathered and exist together, and where youth can just sit and talk at zero economic cost.
(Youth on the Concrete Bench in front of the Central Stairs)
Skate park can accommodate up to 30 people, but every time our ethnography takes place, there are about 3 people, and moreover, it is mostly used by adults. Bouldering wall is particularly popular among family and kids. Finally, the sand court is occasionally used, mainly on weekends. It is also mostly utilized by kids' volleyball clubs and adult community clubs. What implies is that those sports facilities are mainly used by those who have adequate financial power such as adults, parents and sports club operators. Youth in the poor economic power appreciate staying on lawns and benches to socialize with their peers at no financial cost rather than paying money to use sports facilities. They are much more pervasive on seating spots.
(Family and Kids Using the Bouldering Wall)
The Starbucks Lawn
The Starbucks lawn is especially the most popular and busiest spot. Young people sit and talk, and sometimes lie down, eat food, and drink alcohol here. One semester ethnography and outside theoretical research revealed primary two reasons why this spot is likely to be especially popular among youth.
1. Shade:
As this spot is behind the Starbucks building, it gets more shady opportunities compared to the other two lawn spaces where there is almost nothing to create the shade other than trees. This shows youth’s preference for where they sit. The following scenario shows how they prefer being in the shade.
2. Edge Effect:
"People tend to prefer occupying the peripheries over central areas of public squares, which De Jonge (1967-68, p.10–11) presented as the ‘edge effect’” (White, 1980, as cited in Cao & Kang, 2019, p.3). The Starbucks lawn is located close to the border of the roof while the other two lawn spaces are more likely to occupy the central zone. This edge effect explains that people like to sit on the edge and periphery of the rooftop, and the Starbucks lawn is a perfect example to achieve this desire.
(Youth on the Starbucks Lawn)
The space is in the shade and periphery.
Scenario
Walking down the pathway toward the North block where it is the most popular space for young people to sit and talk. This is a sunny day. The Starbucks lawn is filled with youth who appreciate the shadow. Those who couldn’t get a place to sit here go to the biggest lawn next to Starbucks. However, almost all of them are sitting on the side, in the shade created by trees.
(Youth on the Biggest Lawn)
They all are in the shade.
To avoid the heat and sunlight, youth are more attracted to being in the shade.
(2) Greenery & Architectural Design
Young people who come to the rooftop value greenery sight, clear sight-line, and the architectural design of Miyashita Park building for a sense of comfort and a photogenic experience.
Scenario
Two young girls are sitting on a bench in front of the park center and taking selfies. A researcher succeeds to interviewing them about their image about the rooftop.
The researcher:
“屋上の何が魅力ですか？” “What do you like about the rooftop?”
Girl A & B think for a moment and A answers:
“ここは都会の割に自然が多いところが癒されていいなって思います。” “I feel healed and good about this place because there is a lot of nature despite being in the big city.”
Girl B:
“落ち着くよね。” “We can relax.”
1. Greenery sight makes them feel relaxed.
As discussed in the previous sub-section (Built Environment of the Rooftop), the rooftop is rich in green with lawns, garden plants, and trees everywhere. Based on the interview, it appears that youth appreciate this green scenery for a sense of comfort.
2. Greenery sight, clear sight-line, and architectural design are“映える=instagrammable”
among youth (i.e. photogenic/making something stand out in pictures).
Scenario 1
Two fashionable young girls are walking toward seating areas. A researcher succeeds in interviewing.
The researcher:
“宮下パークの屋上のイメージはなんですか？” “What’s your image about the Miyashita rooftop?”
Girl A & B think for a while and B says:
“芝生のところが映えるかな〜。” “I feel lawn spaces are instagrammable.”
Girl B agrees and says:
“うん芝生結構映える。” “Yeah, lawn spaces are very good for pictures.”
As lawns are light green, youth think this color tone makes themselves stand out in pictures.
Scenario 2
Two underground idols in matching costumes are hanging around in front of the Starbucks on the rooftop. They are apparently killing their time until the concert. A researcher succeeds in interviewing.
The researcher:
“なぜ宮下パークで写真を撮るんですか？” “Why do you take pictures at Miyashita Park?”
Boy A & B:
“この開放感がインスタ映え。” “This openness of the rooftop is instagrammable.”
A sense of openness appears to be one important element to make pictures Instagram-worthy. With the rooftop’s clear sight-line, taking pictures here allows youth to achieve this goal. They don’t get a lot of obstructions in the background of pictures.
Scenario 3
Two young girls in low-rise hippy pants with tank top are taking pictures using the wall of the South side stairs. Apparently, they are taking pictures of themselves wearing a specific necklace they would advertise later on. A researcher succeeds in conducting an interview.
The researcher:
“なぜ宮下パークで写真を撮るのですか？” “Why do you take pictures at Miyashita Park?”
Girl A & B:
“インスタ映えで、無機質な壁が着てる服を目立たせてくれるから。” “Because it is instagrammable. This simplistic wall makes our clothes stand out.”
As the walls of Miyashita building are painted in plain color, youth think this simplicity of walls makes their clothes outstanding. Throughout our ethnography, we often saw situations where young people used the walls of Miyashita building to take photos.
(Youth Using the Wall of the South Side Stairs to Take Pictures)
(Youth Using the Wall of the South Side Stairs to Take Pictures)
To simplify, our ethnography discovered that youth are more prevalent at sitting spots, than sports facilities, where they can commit social activity at no financial cost, which in turn suggests that the North block where the seating places are most installed is most popular and gets busy by youth. This idea further supports the original idea of this research that non-consumerism driven within the built environment most likely attracts youth. Moreover, in addition to non-consumerism driven and soft surveillance power, young people also tend to appreciate landscape (e.g., green scenery & clear sight-line) of the rooftop and the building design that allows them to achieve a feeling of relaxation and instagrammable opportunities.
Based on these interview scenarios, young people are attracted by the healing of the greenery scenery, and instagrammable opportunities they can obtain from greenery sight, clear sight-line, and the wall design of the Miyashita building (Learn more about the consumption of trendiness among youth through social media in Shion & Alex's and ’s sections).
How Do Youth Use the Rooftop?
Youth show the rooftop is their specific space through
their use of the built environment.
Throughout our ethnography, we found out there are some ways of youth using the built environment of the rooftop that emphasizes their occupation power of that space while excluding other social groups. Youth utilize the rooftop environment in their own ways and succeed to show to the public that the space is their own.
(1) Expansion of Loitering Areas
Young people use any structure to sit although it is not morally for sitting but they think they can physically sit on. By doing so, they can expand their loitering areas and emphasize their possession.
Scenario
Walking around the rooftop, the roof space is filled with young people. In particular, the north block of all lawn spaces and benches are occupied.
There seems to be no spot for them to sit. Two young girls are walking and talking.
Girl A:
“マジで空いてるとこない。” ”There is no place to sit.”
Girl B:
“ないね。ここは？” “I know. What about here?”
Girl B points out to the central stairs.
Girl A:
“あーいんじゃね？” “Ah ok.”
Girls head out to the central stairs and sit down. There are also many other groups of young people sitting and talking on this staircase.
In the scenario, lawns and benches were occupied so these two young girls decided to sit on stairs instead. As described earlier in this section, the most popular gathering spot among youth on the roof is usually lawns and benches where they can freely sit and talk with peers. However, these areas sometimes get full. When it is occupied, young people try to find any place/structure they can use to sit. The staircase is the most popular alternative option for them. Those youth are often likely to use the central stairs more than the South side stairs as it is located in the North block of youth’s gathering spot. Besides the staircase, young people also sit on the floor and even pedestals as shown in the picture on the right. What this shows is that even if it is morally questionable, young people sit without caring about it. Young people transform the things that are not originally meant for sitting into seating spots. They sit almost anywhere if it seems like they can physically sit on it. By finding their own ways of using the rooftop space, youth can expand their loitering spaces, and which strengthens their power of the occupation of the rooftop
(Where Youth Sit Besides Lawns and Benches)
(2) Groupness and Circle Sitting on Lawn Spaces
Young people acting in groups can make people who are alone in the space feel a sense of exclusion. Also, as will be discussed below, youth groups making a circle when they sit on ground are likely to have a similar exclusionary pattern on those who don’t share the same culture.
(Youth Hanging Out in Groups)
Scenario
Many young people are enjoying spending time with their peers as always on the rooftop. Groups are more prominent rather than individuals. Many are groups of two people but some are three or bigger. Those bigger groups are more likely to be on lawns that give them enough space to sit on. On the lawn, members in these big groups tend to sit in a circle, not like each person lining up side by side.
Based on the scenario, young people on the rooftop are most likely to hang around in groups compared to older generations being individuals. Holland et al. says “young adults tend to visit public spaces in large groups and to occupy large areas” (as cited in Cao & Kang, 2019, p.4). On the other hand, older generations are more likely to be seen as individuals. As groups have a stronger presence than individuals, people who are alone in a space filled with groups can feel a sense of exclusion. If there are many young people in the group, older generations who come alone may feel out of place.
Moreover, as shown in the scenario, lawn spaces are big enough for big groups to sit together and they tend to sit in a circular style. “Central seating strategies can improve group interaction and friendship can be enhanced with physical closeness” (Luximon, Kwong, & Tai, 2015, p.4274). This circular sitting style promotes youth’s sense of unity and belonging within the groups. However, it can also display intimacy to the outsiders and mark their territory. Outsiders are not able to intervene in this circle. Those older generations who often hang around alone and don’t share this circle sitting culture may feel excluded on the rooftop space.
(Youth Hanging Out in Groups & Big Groups Sitting in A Circle on the Lawn)
(3) Longer Stay by Subverting Hostile Benches
Benches on the roof can be considered hostile architecture which means “the practice of excluding ‘unwanted’ people such as the homeless or youth from public spaces” (Wyatt, 2022, p.1). However, youth can subvert those benches and are able to stay for long, leading to their possession of that space.
As introduced in the sub-section “Built Environment of the Rooftop”, there are three types of benches on the roof: pole style, chain-link style, and concrete style. Those three kinds of benches can be regarded as hostile architecture. Chain-link benches are most likely to target homeless people as big bumps on this type of bench prevent them from laying down or sleeping on it. The other two benches are generally unsuitable for prolonged use. Especially, they are hostile to old people. For them to sit on slender poles and concrete benches for a long time is uncomfortable.
On the other hand, youth can subvert these hostile benches as they are physically available on sitting them for long. While these benches may exclude certain social groups or limit the amount of time they use, young people can linder regardless of that. Thus, youth can take possession of the rooftop space for themselves through their continued use.
(Three Types of Bencehs on the Roof)
(Youth on Pole Benches)
(4) Giving Special Meanings to the Built Environment
Linked to how young people transform non-seating places to sitting spots, young people are good at finding their own way of using the rooftop environment. As described earlier, young people see landscape on the rooftop and architectural design of the overall park building as photogenic. They use it to conduct various social media activities including picture-taking, dance performance and TikTok video creations (Learn more about youth’s SNS activities in Shion and Alex's section). Young people give special meaning to the built environment and use the space in their own ways. This distinct adaptation can enhance the power of the youth community on the roof and exclude those other social groups who don’t share the same culture.
(Picture-Taking)
(Dance Performing)
(Tik-Tok Video Creations)
(5) Transgression of Rules
Young people break established rules on the roof. This transgression can give a sense of insecurity, and which particularly makes other social groups not want to stay at the location. The following scenarios show rule transgressions by youth.
Scenario 1 (Smoking & Sitting on the Table)
In the evening, a couple of youth in a group sitting in the Starbucks lawn are smoking. Smoking is prohibited on the rooftop. On the opposite side of the aisle in front of the Starbucks lawn, there is a group of young boys. One of them is smoking. The other two are sitting places where they are not supposed to sit (Click here to learn more about written rules on the rooftop).
Scenario 2 (Playing Music at A Loud Volume)
On a bench in front of the central stairs, there is a group of three youth. This is an odd group formation. One member is a high school girl. Another is foreign guy, and the other man who appears to be in his 20s. They do not look like originally friends but it rather feels like they just met and hanging out together. A foreign guy brings his music player and plays music at a loud volume. There is a rule signboard in front of them that says “No playing music at a loud volume.” These three keep grooving to the music.
At that moment, the security guard approaches. I thought he might say something to them, but he simply passed by and kept walking toward the North block.
The rules that are often transgressed are “No smoking”, "No sitting on a table", and “No playing music at a loud volume." Also, as shown in scenario 2, one important take is that security guards or the Park Center staff do not intervene with those rule breakers. It implies soft-surveillance and soft-authority (Click here to learn more about soft surveillance power by security guards and the Park Center staff). While rules restrict people’s behaviors with authoritarian power, those rules only function as a guide on the rooftop. Although the rules to be broken on the rooftop are not so serious, this context implies a torelation of transgression of rules.
As Mushtag (2017) says that “people from the same cultural background may feel safe with each other” (p.71), youth are more likely to accept rule violations but other social groups may feel more insecure. They may feel excluded and do not want to be within that space.
(Youth Sitting on the Table )
Conclusion
Throughout this section, youth’s use/experience of the built environment of the rooftop first revealed why they are attracted by this space. As non-consumerism factor becomes an important point for youth in the poor economic power to come to the roof, youth especially appreciate the roof’s sitting spots such as lawns and benches where they can rest and chat with peers at no financial cost. This idea is further highlighted by their poor-usage of sports facilities that require payment. Sufficient seating opportunities on the roof allow them to have active social interactions. In addition to this, youth also value the greenery sight of the roof for a feeling of relaxation. The space is like a little nature in the metropolis and makes youth feel comfortable being at the location. Moreover, the roof’s landscape and architectural design allow those young people to achieve photogenic experiences. Green scenery, clear sight-line, and architectural design of the building are considered to be “instagrammable” and youth like to commit SNS activities using them.
Following this, the section described some ways of youth using the rooftop to establish and portray their own specific space on the roof. First, for young people to transform non-seating places to sitting spots allows them to expand their loitering areas. Youth are likely to sit on any structure where it is not morally suitable for sitting but they can physically sit on, which includes the stairs, the floor, and pedestals. Second, young people also emphasize their possession through their groupness. Groups possess a stronger presence than people who are alone. As older generations tend to act individually, these people may feel out of place by being surrounded by youth groups. Moreover, the way those large youth groups sit in a circle further gives a sense of exclusion for older individuals as they can’t share the same culture. The third factor is for youth to continue using uncomfortable benches by subverting hostile architecture. Those hostile benches may be uncomfortable for certain social groups to use but it doesn’t affect young people. Their subversion of hostile benches and continued use of the space lead to a sense of ownership. Fourth, it is to give unique meanings to the built environment. Linked to youth’s appreciation of photogenic opportunities on the roof, young people are good at finding their own ways to use the built environment, especially through the commitment of SNS activities. By generating special ways of utilizing the roof, youth can enhance the power of their community groups on the roof but it is likely to exclude others who don’t share the same culture. Finally, for young people to transgress the established rules can especially bring a sense of insecurity for other social groups. Unmaintained public order led by youth rule breakers can make those other social groups feel they do not want to be within that space. It may be unconscious by those youth but given all these five factors, the way young people use the built environment of the rooftop results in increasing their power of the possession of the roof, showing the space is their own.